Phony Whistleblower Gambit: This is how far some environmental activist groups are willing to go to corrupt science for money and ideological gain

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Environmental activists rely on several go-to tactics when fomenting fear of pesticides. One of their favorite methods is recruiting fake whistleblowers, often retired government scientists, who will spread conspiratorial nonsense about regulatory agencies and other researchers. Here’s a real-world example of the “phony whistleblower gambit.”

Activist groups utilize a well-worn set of propaganda tools to turn the public against pesticides. These range from funding junk studies to buying favorable media coverage and filing endless lawsuits against chemical manufacturers. But all these routes of attack are enhanced by a ploy I call the “phony whistleblower gambit.”

The archetypal phony whistleblower is a credentialed scientist, usually a former government official, who uses his reputation to help trial lawyers and environmental NGOs sell anti-pesticide scare campaigns to consumers. Supposedly an academic rebel, this person follows the science wherever it leads. Of course, โ€œthe scienceโ€ inevitably leads to massive paydays for tort lawyers and harsh restrictions on vitally important chemicals.

Hereโ€™s a recent, real-world example of the phony whistleblower gambit from the Guardian, authored by journalist-turned activistย Carey Gillamย and funded by theย billionaire-backedย Open Society Foundation. Her target is the herbicide paraquat, currently the subject ofย thousands of lawsuitsย alleging that the weedkiller causes Parkinsonโ€™s Disease.

Letโ€™s dismantle this Potemkin village one pasteboard at a time so you can see how the scheme works, and why it’s so dangerous.

screenshot at former epa official says agency fails to protect public from toxic pesticides

Don’t trust the EPA, says EPA scientist

According to Gillam, โ€œfederal regulators are discouraged from speaking up about potentially dangerous pesticides.โ€ How does she know? Well, an EPA scientist told a major media outlet that EPA scientists are afraid to speak their minds:

Karen McCormack, a retired Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) scientist who spent 40 years with the agency โ€ฆ described a culture of โ€˜regulatory captureโ€™ at the EPA and said that colleagues who spoke out in favor of more stringent regulations on pesticides were often sidelined.โ€™

We’ve heard this storyย many timesย before; it’s the classic progressive tale of corporate malfeasance and it doesn’t stand up to scrutiny. The first issue is that McCormackโ€™sย resume is doing all the heavy lifting. She doesnโ€™t substantiate a single allegation she makes about the EPA in Gillam’s article. Weโ€™re apparently supposed to take it on faith that McCormack is telling the truth about her sidelined colleagues and the pesticide industryโ€™s ability to โ€œcaptureโ€ the agency. If her former employer is so corrupt, McCormack should prove it. Her credentials and experience are irrelevant otherwise.

But the allegation is doubly absurd because McCormack is using her reputation as an EPAย scientist who โ€œconducted research on pesticidesโ€ for 40 years to undermine trust in the very same organization. She can’t advertise her agency experience and assert that everyone else in the place is an industry shill or a fearful bureaucrat who approves pesticides “no matter how high the risk.” Why believe someone who would work in such a sordid environment for four decades?

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Ignoring real issues

Ironically, there is ample evidence that the EPA has succumbed to political pressure in the past, as my colleague Dr. Henry Miller has documentedย here. Contrary to McCormackโ€™s allegation, however, the problem is the agency’s willingness to collude with anti-pesticide groups,ย Miller explains:

There is a long and ugly history at EPA of what has been dubbed โ€˜sue and settle,โ€™ or โ€˜regulation through litigation,โ€™ whereby regulators encourage legal challenges by environmental activists to their regulatory decisions โ€ฆ That enables EPA to make concessions to the plaintiffs via settlements and consent decrees without the constraints of rulemaking and the scrutiny of the Office of Management and Budgetโ€™s Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs.

In recent years the EPA has conceded to activist groups in court onย one pesticide after another, including the insecticides sulfoxaflor and chlorpyrifos and the herbicides dicamba, atrazine and paraquat. Many farmersย have explainedย to EPA why these concessions are so devastating.ย Unnecessarily restricting access to paraquat and other weedkillers, for instance, can increase soil erosion, water pollution and herbicide resistance in weeds, one growers associationย pointed out in a public comment to the EPA.

Ultimately, this makes growing food for all of us more expensive and challenging. Sadly, farmers get far less attention than activists who lie without hesitation about pesticide safety.

Fibbing about paraquat

Let’s take Gillamโ€™s analysis of paraquat as an example of rampant dishonesty. She claimsย to haveย โ€œexposed years of corporate efforts to cover up paraquatโ€™s links to Parkinsonโ€™s disease, mislead the public, challenge published scientific literature and influence the EPA.โ€

But thatโ€™s just false. At leastย 85ย studiesโ€“funded by governments, pesticide companies and nonprofitsโ€“have failed to produce evidence that the herbicide causes Parkinsonโ€™s Disease. Even workers at paraquat-manufacturing facilities, who have the highest exposure to the chemical, areย no more likelyย to develop Parkinsonโ€™s than the general population.

When paraquat causes harm, itโ€™s usually because someone deliberately misuses it (for example, in aย suicide attempt) orย doesn’t followย the label instructions when applying it. The activist-friendly EPAย adds that it hasย โ€œfound no dietary risks of concern associated with paraquat when it is used according to the label instructions.โ€ That means the vast majority of people (who are only exposed to trace of amounts of pesticides through food) can’t be harmed by the weedkiller.

Gillam points to โ€œsecret filesโ€ from paraquat manufacturers Syngenta and Chevron to bolster her conspiracy, but this is just smoke and mirrors. When we read the documents themselves instead of relying on Gillamโ€™s and McCormack’s spurious allegations, we can see they contain much of the same information found in publicly available sources. Hereโ€™s one example from a 1974 Chevron memo, available onย Gillamโ€™s New Lede website:

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Tragic consequences

Governments and corporations do evil things sometimes. True whistleblowers who call out real corruption provide an invaluable service, but thatโ€™s not what McCormack is doing. Sheโ€™s helping dishonest activists like Gillam spread ideological nonsense that has devastating consequences.

Needlessly restricting the chemicals farmers use to grow our food leads to hunger, poverty and political instabilityโ€”as Sri Lankaย found outย the hard way recently. Anyone who enables those horrifying outcomes deserve nothing but scorn.

Cameron English is a writer, editor and co-host of the Science Facts and Fallacies Podcast. Before joining ACSH, he was managing editor at the Genetic Literacy Project, a nonprofit committed to aiding the public, media, and policymakers by promoting science literacy. You can visit Cameronโ€™s websiteย here. Find Cameron on X @CamJEnglish

A version of this article was posted atย American Council on Science and Health and is used here with permission. You can check out the American Council on Science and Health on Xย @ACSHorg

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